Gatekeeping and You! (J-Fashion in the Internet Age)

'an eye caught' by T.S. on flickr

There used to be a time when participation in a Japanese fashion subculture wasn’t just a personal choice; it was a proclamation. And a public one, at that. If you were gyaru, you had to take to the streets in platforms and bold makeup, visibly aligning yourself with the scene. If you were a lolita, your meticulous coordinate was not just an expression of personal preference but a clear signifier of belonging. 

Most subcultures existed in the real world first, shaped by the people who wore them, the places they congregated, and the shared understanding of their visual and cultural markers.

(Yes, this is another thinkpiece about subculture in the Internet age. Not the first and definitely not the last.) 

The Internet really has changed a lot for J-fashion, coopting anything remotely "authentic" and putting it through the SNS meat grinder. It's even altered what it means to get involved. Participation in a fashion subculture no longer requires stepping outside of the house at all. Someone can upload a photo of themselves in their bedrooms, declare themselves gyaru or Jirai or lolita, and wait for validation from strangers. Once defined by real-world engagement, most modern-day fashion subcultures are shaped and defined by online discourse. And so begins the discontent. 

It's not just gyaru. Across J-fashion communities, from Jirai kei to lolita, longtime participants and newcomers clash over what it means to truly “be” a part of the subculture. A heated post titled "“Do you guys even like jirai kei/j-fashion?" on the r/JiraiKei subreddit captured the frustration: "This subreddit is full of the blind leading the blind… You don’t have to follow in the footsteps of Japanese jirai to a tee, but god, take some reference it’s JAPANESE fashion,” wrote u/lps933. The issue, it seems, is not just about who gets to participate, but about whether the core identity of these subcultures is being corroded in the process. 

Anyone can join in, but not everyone wants to do the work. 

Gatekeeping is a dirty word in many online spaces, often associated with elitism and exclusion. But it has taken on a different, more complicated meaning within J-fashion spaces. On the one hand, there are those who argue that a subculture needs some level of boundary-setting to maintain its identity. Otherwise, what's stopping it from getting diluted, polluted, and watered down?  On the other, there are those who see any form of gatekeeping as stifling creativity and discouraging newcomers who may not have access to authentic pieces or the knowledge that comes with years of participation.

u/stwb3rycak3's full comment

The lolita community, in particular, has faced its fair share of conflicts over the years, with debates over authenticity, effort, and self-identification playing out across social media. Between the casualization of the style and the influx of TikTok 'guides' that flatten the style into nothing more than a petticoat-less dress, many longtime wearers are exhausted. 

One Reddit user, u/stwb3rrycak3, reflected on how validation-seeking has overtaken genuine engagement: “I’ve been in alt fashion spaces for years, and literally since 2020, EVERY community is just a validation circlejerk.” Another, u/Slow-Law-106, lamented the ways in which TikTok and Instagram have commodified subcultures into aesthetics rather than lived experiences, leading to a wave of newcomers more interested in the label than the lifestyle. “People ask, ‘Can I wear lolita if I don’t like petticoats? Can I be jirai if I hate bows?’ You can wear whatever you want, but you can’t expect to be accepted into a subculture if you reject the things that define it.”

The 'Lolita fashion iceberg' by none_so_bile

This shift has led to a new kind of subcultural tourism, where people engage with J-fashion styles superficially, cherry-picking elements for aesthetics without fully embracing the fashion or lifestyle but still claiming themselves gyaru, Jirai, or lolita.

One user from r/Lolita, u/dickfirst4halos, described this phenomenon as a revolving door of newcomers asking the same basic questions, refusing to do research, and expecting to be spoon-fed validation. “What happened to initiative?” another, u/dokja4951, asked, reflecting on the stark difference between past generations who sought out Japanese magazines, blogs, and forums to learn versus today’s influx of people relying entirely on bite-sized, algorithm-fed content.

In many ways, this shift is inevitable if not unavoidable. The rise of social media has made fashion subcultures more accessible than ever, erasing the geographic barriers that once made them feel exclusive. Before the internet, subcultures were shaped organically in physical spaces—Shibuya for gyaru, Harajuku for lolita (or local, community-led events for non-Japanese participants)—where trends evolved through real-life interaction. Now, trends move at the lightning speed of an algorithm, driven by engagement rather than authenticity. A new participant’s first introduction to a style is more likely to come from a snappy, viral TikTok than a meaningful chat with a veteran member, and in turn, their understanding of the subculture is filtered through an online-first lens that may not always align with its origins... or best interests.

This isn’t totally a bad thing. Accessibility has allowed J-fashion communities to thrive globally, connecting people who might never have had the chance to participate otherwise. But it has also led to friction between those who see fashion subcultures as serious commitments and those who engage with them more casually. This isn't just about 'posers;' It's about the way online validation has replaced real-world engagement. 

Another user in the r/Lolita community, u/silveretoile, noted that online drama has overshadowed the real-life experience of wearing the fashion: “My comm hasn’t had any IRL drama in years, but online? It’s nonstop.” Another, u/doccrowley, pointed out that the online fixation on gatekeeping distracts from the real issue: “We’re not even arguing about the clothes anymore. It’s just about who gets to call themselves what.”

The problem is that social media rewards conflict. Engagement is king, and algorithms amplify controversy, ensuring that the most inflammatory take on what is and isn’t “real,” gyaru, lolita, or Jirai rises to the top. A well-researched deep dive on the history of gyaru won't get half as much engagement as a callout post about "fake" gals. At the same time, brands and influencers capitalize on the aesthetic while ignoring the roots of the subculture. The result is an increasingly hostile environment where long-time participants feel the need to police their spaces aggressively, while newcomers feel alienated before they even begin.

This hostility has led some to reminisce about the days when newcomers were eager to learn, even if they initially got it wrong. A participant of both the Lolita and Jirai subreddits, u/Slow-Law-106, recounted how, in past years, people would show up in botched “Spirit Halloween coords” but at least had the drive to defend their choices, engage with discussions, and improve. Now, there’s a reluctance to be corrected at all. The expectation is instant acceptance, no matter how far removed someone’s interpretation is from the subculture itself. “People used to argue about whether Bodyline was acceptable; now we’re arguing about whether you even need a petticoat.”

There is no easy solution. Some level of boundary-setting is necessary to keep subcultures from being flattened into lifeless aesthetics, but when that gatekeeping turns into hostility, it risks killing the very thing it’s trying to uplift. The challenge is finding balance, creating communities that educate rather than exclude, and encouraging participation without sacrificing identity. Fashion subcultures have always evolved, and they will continue to do so. The question is whether they can adapt to the internet age without losing the sense of belonging that made them unique in the first place.

make point: anna sui rouge lipstick

For an old-school gyaru, there are really only two lip colors that matter: white and a very light pink. Since a white lip does me little to no favors, I've been on the hunt for the perfect pink.

Old-school gyaru lipstick follows the trends of the 90s and early 2000s (when ganguro was at its peak); the lips are light and frosty. While Mac has a solid range of frosted lipsticks—including some nostalgic 90s re-releases—I wanted to try a different brand. 

Enter stage left: Anna Sui. 


Yesterday, I picked up two of Anna Sui's "Rouge" lipsticks, which is their newest line. I got the colors 001 (Sunshine Pink) and 306 (Mauve.) I picked them up at a Cosme store near my work.


Swatching in-store, I immediately gravitated toward the lightest tones.


The packaging is gorgeous. The tubes are designed to resemble the Anna Sui perfume bottle, with its glossy black embossed details. 


The top features a beautiful rose. 


The lipstick itself clicks out from the bottom, which feels very luxe!


The colors are gorgeous, especially 001. The kira kira is magical. 


The feel of the lipstick on my wrist is buttery and smooth. 001 is sheer and very reflective, and 306 is exactly as described: mauve. It's slightly cool-toned and delicate. 


A closer look...


Now on the lips! 

The feel is very luxurious and almost... melty. Like it's sinking into my lips instead of just sitting on top of them. One layer was enough to get this nice shine. It's sheer, but the glitter really stands out.

I can definitely see myself wearing this alone or layering it over concealer for an even more gyaru-inspired look. 


I was worried 306 might be too dark, but it actually reads as a soft, pastel pink.

FINAL THOUGHTS

These lipsticks are adorable. They both look and feel great on the lips. The color applies effortlessly, and the smooth texture makes it feel really indulgent.

I think I will try combining 306 with 001 for an extra frosty effect!

Price: 3,850 Yen each

Now the real question is... do I need to get an Anna Sui perfume to match???


the ganguro starter pack: the ultimate guide to old school gyaru


Old-school gyaru is a broad and somewhat nebulous term. It generally describes a period of gyaru that extends from the 90s to about 2008, defined by tan skin, bleached hair, and a bold yet comparatively 'natural' makeup look contrasted to what came later. Ganguro, much like the burgeoning kogals of the 80s, were the foundation from which all other gyaru substyles evolved. 

This is my favorite period of gyaru, and I’ve spent a lot of time researching its attitude, fashion, and cultural impact. I wanted to make a starter kit for Ganguro, not as an expert but as someone who loves the style and wears it daily. This is by no means a definitive guide to gyaru, but I hope it serves as a launching pad for anyone interested in Ganguro. 


Glossary

  • Ganguro (ガングロ) – A gyaru substyle featuring a deep tan, bleached hair, and bold white makeup.
  • Gonguro (ゴングロ) – A more extreme version of ganguro with an even darker tan, usually achieved using makeup and tanning lotions.
  • Yamanba (ヤマンバ) & Manba (マンバ) – Later, exaggerated variations of ganguro that introduced more intense colors and makeup. 
  • Shibuya 109 (渋谷109) – The shopping mall in Tokyo that was the center of gyaru fashion, colloquially referred to as Marukyu (マルキュー).
  • Teamer (チーマー) – A delinquent subculture in Japan during the 80s and 90s, often associated with gangs and rebellious youth. Many early gyaru dated Teamers.
  • Para Para (パラパラ) – A synchronized dance style popular among gyaru, often performed to Eurobeat music in clubs.
  • Shiro gyaru (白ギャル) – The opposite of ganguro; a gyaru style that does not involve tanning and instead emphasizes fair skin. Substyles like himekaji and rokku gyaru do not require tanning. 
  • Gyaru-kei (ギャル系) – A broad term referring to gyaru fashion and all its substyles.



The History of Ganguro

Origins

Gyaru can be traced back to the late 70s and 80s in Japan, when wealthy school girls developed an interest in luxury Western fashion. They purchased items from Burberry and Louis Vuitton, rolled up their uniform skirts, and wore slouched socks. Many were the girlfriends of delinquent Japanese Teamers. By the time ganguro came around in the 90s, the style expanded beyond the upper echelon and became more associated with the middle-class, with girls from varying income levels participating in the style. 

Ganguro was a hodgepodge of influences, both real and imagined: California beach culture, Amuraa fashion, and a teenage-led rebellion against Japan's traditional beauty standards. The tanned skin and bleached hair evoked Malibu surfers, but it also reflected the broader trend in Japan at the time, which, thanks to the popularity of TV dramas like Beach Boys, cemented the casual "beachy" look in the cultural zeitgeist. 
  • Ganguro’s roots trace back to kogal, which emphasized loose socks, modified schoolgirl uniforms, and a carefree attitude.
  • The aesthetic was heavily influenced by the coordinates of Shibuya 109 Charisma shop clerks, the idealized perception of California beach culture, Western hip-hop celebrity style, and Japanese (Okinawan) singer Namie Amuro.
  • Egg magazine played a crucial role in promoting ganguro, featuring models like Buriteri, who, among others, defined the subculture’s attitude and style.
  • The style was most active from the mid-90s to the early 2000s, with variations and substyles like Yamanba and Kuro taking over in later years.

Lifestyle and Community

Ganguro, primarily middle-class teens and young adults, often congregated in Ikebukuro and Shibuya, especially around the iconic Shibuya 109 (Marukyu) mall. They went shopping, attended Para Para dance clubs, did karaoke, took PuriKura photos, and socialized with their friends. 

This subculture emphasized fun, friendship, and a vibrant social life. It was all about being true to yourself and not letting the bastards get you down. 



How Is Ganguro Different from Other Gyaru Substyles?

Most people today associate gyaru with heavily exaggerated makeup styles (notably the iconic "tarume" or droop), but old-school ganguro was more restrained by comparison.

  • The key point is NOT the droop eyeliner shape.
    • Unlike later gyaru substyles, early ganguro makeup focused more on white eyeshadow and simple eyeliner rather than an exaggerated shape.
  • It was largely tied to mainstream Tokyo trends.
    • Old-school ganguro fashion was still closely linked to trends that were popular among teens and young adults at the time. Shibuya 109 brands and Louis Vuitton bags were widespread. 
  • It is the progenitor of many later gyaru styles.
    • You can see the beginnings of many modern gyaru substyles in early ganguro.
  • It was subtle (by today’s standards).
    • Compared to current gyaru styles, old-school ganguro looked more "natural." At the time, it was considered bold. 



Fashion

Signature Brands (Shibuya 109 stores)

  • Alba Rosa
  • Cocolulu
  • MeJane
  • Egoist
  • Blue Moon Blue
  • Roco Nails
  • Jassie
  • Cecil McBee
  • Love Boat
  • Idol

How to Shop for Ganguro Today

Since most old-school gyaru brands are extinct (with the exception of Egoist, who no longer makes Ganguro clothing), focus on silhouettes and colors rather than specific labels. Look for:

  • A-line skirts, mock neck tops, summer knits, casual resort wear, and stacked platform boots.
  • Bright primary colors like oranges, yellows, and greens; bold and fun patterns. 
  • Mercari Japan and Yahoo Auctions can be used to track down old brands, although the prices can be steep and the sizing uninclusive.
  • Thrift stores are a great place to start. 

Accessories

  • Platform shoes: Chunky sneakers (Buffalo and Question Mark were favored brands), wedge sandals, platform boots.
  • Bracelets & rings: Silver, colorful, and stacked in excess.
  • Hibiscus everything: evocative of Alba Rosa.
  • Fake nails: Not yet extreme in this period; they were mostly square-shaped, shorter, and simple compared to modern styles favored by substyles like Kuro/Tsuyome.



Hair and Makeup

Hair

  • Bleached blonde, silver, honey brown, orange that skewed blonde, and caramel tones were most common. Visible dark roots were accepted and, for many of the girls at the time, unavoidable. 
  • Hair was typically straight with soft volume, though some girls opted for crimped, flipped-out, or lightly textured styles.
  • At this point, hair was nowhere near as long as it came to be in later gyaru substyles. Most girls had their hair chopped at the shoulders.

Makeup

  • A tan is the defining feature of ganguro. Nearly all other aspects of the look (the white eyeshadow, light lips, and bleached hair) are meant to enhance and emphasize the tan. However, this does not mean you should go as dark as possible. Stay within what is appropriate for your own skin tone. Do not darken your skin in a way that could be considered offensive (i.e. blackface).
  • White eyeshadow/highlighter: The most defining element of ganguro makeup (aside from the tan), applied heavily on the brow bone and under the eyes.
  • Dark eyeliner: Bold but straightforward, following the natural lash line.
  • False lashes:

    • Fluffy, Western-style lashes were the norm.
    • Spiky "manga-style" lashes became popular in later gyaru substyles.
    • Some ganguro didn't wear false lashes at all. 
  • Lips: 

    Most ganguro tried to de-emphasize the lips.
    • If lips were emphasized at all, it was with very light or white lipstick.



Evolution and Personal Expression

Ganguro style wasn't static. It evolved naturally over time. While some adhered strictly to the core aesthetics, many experimented with variations, reflecting their individual tastes and the deeply personal nature of the subculture. It was due to these experimentations that other iconic substyles (like Yamanba and Kuro/Tsuyome) were born. 

Even during Ganguro's peak, many versions of the style coexisted. Some girls went for a more sporty, Jassie-inspired variation. Others leaned toward sexy. Some went beachy. Don't be afraid to mix and match.



Common Misconceptions About Ganguro

“Ganguro is just blackface.” 
Ganguro is not blackface; it was never intended to mimic or mock Black people. The tan was meant to reflect a California beach-girl aesthetic and to go against the expectation for "paleness" in women. However, it’s important to acknowledge that some individuals at the time did take it a bit too far. For example, according to the book Japanese School Girl Inferno, Egg model Buriteri allegedly used a foundation that was intended for Black women to achieve her look. While this is worth discussing, the style itself was not created with racist intent, nor is it racist when done appropriately within the natural range of one's own skin tone.

“Ganguro makeup was meant to look Western or imitate white people.”
This is a common misunderstanding. Ganguro was inspired by California beach culture, but it was never about trying to look white. The tan, white-accented makeup and overall aesthetic were stylized and exaggerated in a way that made ganguro distinctly Japanese rather than a direct imitation of any Western look.

"Ganguro is a dead substyle."

While ganguro is no longer as mainstream as it was in the 90s and early 2000s, it never truly disappeared. Additionally, ganguro’s influence can still be seen in later gyaru substyles like manba, banba, and kuro, which boldened many of ganguro's aesthetics. 

"Ganguro is no longer recognizably gyaru."

Some people claim that ganguro doesn’t "look gyaru enough" by today’s standards (especially when worn by non-Japanese gyaru), but this ignores the fact that ganguro was a defining part of early gyaru history. Modern gyaru has changed over time, but ganguro still follows the same core gyaru principles: rebellion against traditional beauty norms, exaggerated styling, and a strong sense of individuality. The shift in trends doesn’t erase ganguro’s place in gyaru culture.



Getting Started

Getting into old-school gyaru, particularly ganguro, can feel overwhelming at first, but breaking it down into steps makes it much more approachable. Instead of focusing on achieving perfection right away, start with the core elements and build your look over time. That’s how the original Ganguro did it.  

Step 1: Focus on Key Elements

Start with the most recognizable aspects of ganguro:

  • Tanning: Whether through bronzer, self-tanner, or a safe tanning method, the tan is the foundation of the look.
  • White eyeshadow & dark eyeliner
  • Casual, beach-inspired fashion, a-line skirts, bright tops, platform shoes.
  • Confidence and attitude: Ganguro was as much about mindset as it was about fashion.

Step 2: Build Your Wardrobe Gradually

You don’t need to own an entire old-school gyaru closet overnight! Focus on:

  • Basic pieces: Emulate common and popular silhouettes.
  • Colors and patterns: Look for bright oranges, yellows, greens, hibiscus prints, and fun patterns.
  • Thrift stores and secondhand apps: Mercari Japan, Yahoo Auctions, and local thrift shops can help you find ganguro-inspired pieces.

Step 3: Simplify Your Hair & Makeup

  • Hair: Start with a bleached color of your liking. Blonde, honey brown, or silver tones. Shoulder-length styles were common.
  • Makeup: The essentials are white eyeshadow, tan and matte foundation, dark eyeliner, fluffy lashes, and pale lips. Keep it bold but simple.

Step 4: Find Community & Inspiration

  • Look through old magazines and gyaru blogs to study actual ganguro outfits.
  • Watch Japanese media from the time period to get a feel for the era.
  • Find like-minded individuals (Like me! Hey!)

Step 5: Embrace the Gyaru Mindset

  • Confidence is key. Own your look, and don’t be afraid to stand out.
  • Ganguro challenged beauty norms and emphasized self-expression. Be unapologetically you. 
  • Deepen your friendships, share makeup tips, and take care of each other. 

Gyaru and Hyperreality: The Blurred Line Between Authenticity and Performance

The Gyaru Illusion: A Rebellion Without a Cause?

Gyaru reached its peak at the turn of the 21st century. It was a bold cultural movement that offered young girls a means of self-expression beyond the narrow confines of Japan’s expectations of womanhood. Shibuya was their meeting ground. Sun-kissed and teetering on platform boots, they moved in packs, their limbs dusted in glitter and fruity-smelling lotions, their laughter cutting through the din of Center-Gai.
Gyaru was a rejection of a long-held beauty standard. But subversion (no matter how sincere) has a short shelf life. What was once shocking becomes marketable, and what was marketable becomes mainstream. Countercultural movements, once vilified and dismissed as fringe, eventually find their way onto runways and marketing campaigns. 
The punk subculture, synonymous with a DIY ethos and sartorial anarchy, has been elevated by designers like Malcolm Mclaren and Vivienne Westwood, who incorporated bondage trousers, safety pins, studs, chains, and tartan into their collections. Similarly, grunge, once defined by thrift store finds and a disaffected, anti-corporate attitude, was famously reinterpreted by Marc Jacobs in his 1993 Perry Ellis collection, bringing ripped jeans and flannel to the world of luxury fashion. 
In Japan, gyaru followed a similar trajectory. It was pioneered by high school girls who embraced radical self-expression, only for corporations to commodify their defiance and sell it right back to them through fashion magazines and mainstream branding, creating a self-perpetuating ouroboros of rebellion and consumption.
Gyaru is often described as a rebellion against traditional Japanese beauty norms. However, unlike a grassroots political movement, the gyaru’s protest was not an ideological one but aesthetic. Gyaru were not advocating for systemic change or engaging in overt political activism; rather, they were constructing identity through consumer choices. Their rejection of Japanese beauty norms was not framed through the lens of feminist discourse but was instead an aesthetic assertion of selfhood within a consumer-driven society.
This intersection of rebellion and consumerism made gyaru uniquely susceptible to commodification. Jean Baudrillard, in Simulacra and Simulation (1981), theorized that when media endlessly reproduces an image, it replaces reality itself, creating a self-contained system of meaning that no longer references an original. This happened to gyaru even at the height of its popularity: fashion magazines, clothing brands, and nightlife industries dictated the parameters of the subculture, ensuring that market forces had a hand in shaping its resistance. The question is not whether gyaru was "authentic" or "commercialized;” instead, it was always both. The more gyaru attempted to define itself through aesthetic resistance, the more it played into the logic of consumer spectacle, becoming a mediated construct that existed as much in advertising as it did in practice.
Gyaru became trapped in a loop of reinvention, forever cycling between rebellion and commodification.

Gyaru as a Rebellion Against Japanese Beauty Norms

From its inception, gyaru functioned as a rejection of Japan’s dominant feminine ideal: pale skin, natural beauty, and a reserved demeanor. Drawing inspiration from Californian beach culture, hostess aesthetics, and Japanese idols like Namie Amuro, gyarus cultivated an aesthetic that contrasted sharply with mainstream expectations of understated femininity. However, this emulation of Western beauty standards was not an attempt at authenticity but rather an exercise in hyperreality.
Baudrillard’s concept of the precession of simulacra posits that a representation can detach from its original referent and take on a life of its own. Gyaru did not simply borrow from Western fashion; it created a stylized, media-driven version of Western beauty that had no true reference point in reality. This manufactured aesthetic, endlessly reproduced in magazines and advertisements, became its own hyperreal construct. One that girls performed and embodied, often without any conscious reference to its supposed origins.
In this way, gyaru’s rejection of Japanese femininity was paradoxically a performance of another highly constructed femininity. The boldness, excess, and flamboyance of gyaru were not always natural expressions but mediated choices dictated by the ever-evolving standards of the subculture’s own imagery. This aligns with Baudrillard’s assertion that in a hyperreal society, authenticity is no longer a matter of referencing an original but rather maintaining the illusion of originality within a closed system of subcultural signs.

Media, Magazines, and Commodification

Fashion media played a crucial role in shaping the gyaru subculture. Publications like Egg, Popteen, and Ranzuki did not merely document gyaru fashion; they dictated its evolution. These magazines constructed gyaru as a self-referential aesthetic, feeding an endless cycle in which readers emulated the images they consumed, which in turn reinforced those images as authentic. Baudrillard describes this phenomenon as "the map preceding the territory," where the representation of culture becomes more real than the lived experience itself.
Additionally, Baudrillard’s The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures (1970) outlines how consumption operates as a system of signification, wherein cultural products serve not just functional purposes but communicate identity, status, and belonging. Gyaru exemplified this principle; fashion choices, tanning salons, colored contacts, and elaborate nails were not simply matters of personal style but signifiers of subcultural participation. Yet, this emphasis on visual markers of identity made gyaru highly susceptible to commercialization. Even the body itself became a curated, modifiable product, reinforcing the notion that selfhood could be purchased, produced, and perfected.
The role of consumerism in gyaru’s evolution cannot be overstated. While many subcultures formed around shared ideologies or musical preferences, gyaru was fundamentally rooted in aesthetic consumption. It was through the accumulation of specific cosmetic products, clothing brands, and accessories that one could fully embody the gyaru identity. 
While gyaru, as a designation, can also describe an outspoken attitude or social behavior, it is near impossible to separate the attitude from the aestheticism and maintain recognizability. This further supports Baudrillard’s argument that modern consumer societies function through an endless cycle of signifiers, where meaning is derived not from substance but from participation in a system of appearances.

The Spectacle of Gyaru: When Image Becomes Reality

In The Society of the Spectacle (1967), Guy Debord argues that subcultures, once authentic expressions of resistance, are eventually transformed into commodified images that obscure their original meaning. This phenomenon was clearly visible in the evolution of gyaru. By the late 2000s, gyaru had become a spectacle, its representation in media eclipsing its lived reality. Fashion magazines amplified gyaru’s visibility, transforming it from a youth-driven subculture into a fully commercialized lifestyle brand.
The advent of social media in the 2000s accelerated this process, further detaching gyaru from its origins. As smartphones and platforms like Instagram and gyaru-focused blogs became ubiquitous in the late 2000s and early 2010s, gyaru culture was increasingly mediated through digital performances. The more gyaru was represented in these curated, visual-heavy spaces, the more its authenticity became defined by (and confined to) the act of being seen. By the 2010s, the subculture had reached a point where the spectacle of gyaru had overtaken its lived practice. It became a marketable image, a hyperreal fantasy that could be performed and consumed in fragments rather than lived as a cohesive experience.
Furthermore, the cyclical nature of gyaru’s popularity (its peak in the early 2000s, its decline in the mid-2010s, and its nostalgic revival in the Reiwa era) reinforces Debord’s assertion that the spectacle is self-perpetuating. Even as the original gyaru generation aged out of the subculture, its aesthetic continued circulating in media, repackaged for new consumers who engaged with gyaru as an image rather than an identity.

Gyaru as Postfeminist Hyperreality: Empowerment or Performance?

The transformation scene is a well-worn trope. One that makeover shows, reality TV, and fashion media have milked dry since the early 2000s. A woman, dissatisfied with her appearance, undergoes a dramatic reinvention. The narrative is always the same: empowerment, but only through aesthetic transformation. Look better, live better… or so they say.
Gyaru, in many ways, was framed through this same logic. The subculture was often positioned as a rejection of traditional Japanese beauty norms, a rebellion against pale skin, dark hair, and soft-spoken femininity. But it wasn’t about dismantling those norms; it was about subverting them, amplifying hyper-feminine aesthetics until they became unrecognizable. Instead of natural beauty, gyaru chose extreme artifice: bleached hair, exaggerated eyes, deep tans, impossibly elaborate nails.
This ties directly into Baudrillard’s notion of hyperreality. In Simulacra and Simulation, he argues that in a world where simulations endlessly reproduce themselves, the distinction between the real and the artificial collapses. The simulation becomes the reality. 
Gyaru embodied this perfectly: it wasn’t just a rejection of mainstream beauty. It was the creation of an entirely new, self-contained system of aesthetic meaning, one dictated by magazines, clothing stores, and nightlife industries. To be gyaru was to perform an identity that was both radical and carefully curated, rebellious and yet profoundly entrenched in consumerism.

The Paradox of Gyaru Empowerment

At its core, gyaru presented a challenge to Japan’s rigid expectations of femininity. It allowed young women to take control of their image, and to express themselves on their own terms. And yet, the subculture never truly escaped the trap of aesthetic labor. Gyaru may have rejected the natural, modest ideal but replaced it with a standard that (for some) was just as unattainable, just as expensive, time-consuming, and socially constructed. The hours spent tanning, the elaborate hairstyles, the endless cycle of subcultural fashion trends. Was this liberation, or was it another form of self-surveillance?
The paradox becomes even more pronounced when considering the overlap between gyaru and Japan’s hostess culture. Many gyaru worked in kyabakura (hostess clubs), where their exaggerated femininity was not just a personal choice but a marketable asset. In this context, gyaru’s rebellion was directly commodified for male consumption. It was a form of resistance, but one that operated within structures designed to sell beauty as a product.
Baudrillard’s concept of personalization as a consumer trap applies here. In The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures, he argues that consumer capitalism thrives on the illusion of individuality, that we are sold pre-defined versions of self-expression, packaged as personal choice. Gyaru weren’t following mainstream beauty norms, but they were still adhering to a carefully curated aesthetic, one reinforced by magazines, brands, and those in their community. 
Egg, 2021

Gyaru in the Reiwa Era: Nostalgia and the Hyperreal Resurrection

Subcultures never die. They just become TikTok aesthetics.
Gyaru, once a living community, has largely faded from Japan’s streets. The para-para clubbers, the sun-tanned legs peeking beneath the curtain of a purikura booth, the vibrant chaos of a culture that once thrived in physical spaces. All of it has been largely displaced, archived in fashion magazines, old Egg scans, and digital reuploads. Yet, gyaru’s image remains, repackaged as a Heisei-era fantasy, sold through Instagram reels and Shibuya 109 marketing campaigns.
It’s a tale as old as time: what was once radical becomes retro, and what was once subversive becomes quaint.
Baudrillard (1981) argued that Disneyland exists not merely as a form of entertainment but to convince us that America itself is real. It is a simulation that validates its own mythology. In the same way, modern gyaru nostalgia functions not as a revival of the subculture but as a reminder of a time that, in many ways, never truly existed. The gyaru revival isn’t about bringing back the movement in its rawest form; it’s about recreating a hyperreal fantasy of gyaru. One that has been softened, rebranded, and repackaged for mass consumption. The neon-lit chaos of Shibuya in the 2000s has been edited down into a clean, nostalgic mood board, an aesthetic to be scrolled past and filtered through social media algorithms.
The Shibuya 109 of today capitalizes on its nostalgic past. Retro-styled campaigns use the iconography of old-school gyaru: platform boots, slouchy socks, and early 2000s aesthetics. But the raw, rebellious energy is gone. The grit, the controversy, and the social opposition that once defined gyaru are more or less absent. In its place is curation and commercialization. Where gyaru once developed organically, shaped by high school girls testing the boundaries of fashion and femininity, today’s version is pre-packaged, flattened into an aesthetic that can be picked up and discarded at will.
This shift isn’t unique to gyaru. Subcultures, especially those rooted in fashion, are cyclical. Dick Hebdige (Subculture: The Meaning of Style, 1979) argued that subcultures begin as expressions of resistance, only to be sanitized, stripped for parts, and absorbed by the mainstream. But Baudrillard takes it a step further: in the age of hyperreality, the original event (the subculture as a living, breathing identity) becomes irrelevant. What matters is the representation, the curated aesthetic that lives on long after the movement itself has faded.
In this sense, gyaru now functions more as aesthetic currency than as an active subculture. In an era where nostalgia itself is an industry, gyaru is sold in fragments: a blurred, overly saturated edit set to an Ayumi Hamasaki song, an Instagram post of neatly arranged vintage Alba Rosa pieces, a limited-edition Shibuya 109 shopping bag that nods at the past without carrying any of its cultural weight. The hyperreal version of gyaru (one constructed through media images rather than lived experience) becomes more tangible than the real thing.
And yet, gyaru is not entirely dead. It continues to evolve in digital spaces, existing in a tension between revival and reinvention. But is this a true resurgence or simply another aesthetic trend detached from its original movement? The answer, like everything in hyperreality, is ambiguous. Gyaru today is not the subculture it once was, but it is also not entirely gone. It has become something else. 

DIGITAL BEAUTIES by Julius Wiedemann

The Digital Gyaru and the Heisei Hyperreal Fantasy

For today’s gyaru revivalists, social media is the new Shibuya.
Where once the movement existed in physical spaces, gyaru now thrives in a curated, ephemeral digital landscape. TikTok and Instagram have replaced the old haunts in Shibuya and Ikebukuro, offering new platforms where gyaru can perform their aesthetic, not just for themselves but for an ever-scrolling audience. The streets of Tokyo are no longer the stage; social media is.
Yet this shift has made gyaru more hyperreal than ever.
At its peak, gyaru was at least something tangible. You could step onto Center-Gai and see it in action, feel its presence in the crush of bodies at 109, hear it in the chatter of gyaru-go, and witness its evolution in real-time as trends flared up and burned out within months. It was a lifestyle that required active participation, not just aesthetic adherence. But today, gyaru’s primary existence is mediated through the lens of social media, where filtered, edited, and algorithm-driven imagery dictates how the subculture is consumed and understood.
Baudrillard (1981) argues that hyperreality occurs when the distinction between the real and the representation collapses. When the simulation of a thing becomes more real than the thing itself, this is the paradox of the digital gyaru. The hyperreality of social media has flattened the subculture into a performance of itself, one that often exists independently from lived experience. The highly curated nature of Instagram feeds, the exaggerated edits of TikTok tutorials, and the nostalgia-drenched Y2K revival aesthetics all serve to reinforce a stylized version of gyaru rather than its organic and contradictory reality.
This is not to say that gyaru cannot exist authentically in digital spaces. Rather, the very nature of social media alters its framework. In previous decades, a girl became gyaru through participation. Through how she dressed, where she spent her time, and who she surrounded herself with. Now, one can become gyaru through self-documentation, through the accumulation of highly specific digital signifiers: a cleverly edited TikTok transition, a haul video of Liz Lisa dresses, a perfectly staged Instagram photo bathed in Heisei-era filters. This echoes Baudrillard’s concept of the precession of simulacra, where representation precedes and determines reality, where the performance of gyaru in media becomes more real than the lived subculture itself.
Gyaru is not dead, but it has transmuted. It has become something less real, yet more persistent. Unlike its predecessors, this version of gyaru does not require physical spaces to sustain itself. It does not need a Shibuya 109, a bustling crossing, or a shared community. It thrives in pixels and data, hashtags and explore pages.
Perhaps this is the inevitable fate of all subcultures in the digital age. Not death, but permanent circulation. A subculture does not need to be physically present to be experienced; it only needs to be seen. And in that sense, gyaru may be more alive than ever, even as it exists primarily as an image of itself.

A Rebellion Reframed

Roland Barthes’ Mythologies (1957) suggests that cultural movements, when stripped of their historical contexts, are transformed into myths, presented as natural, timeless phenomena rather than socially constructed practices. This has been the fate of gyaru: its history of social defiance, rejection from mainstream society, and eventual commodification have been largely diluted in favor of a media-friendly fantasy of carefree youth culture.
Yet, this does not mean that modern gyaru are merely engaging in performance. Both things can be true at once: one can participate in gyaru sincerely while also being complicit in its commodification. Even at its height, gyaru was both rebellion and spectacle, self-expression and consumerism. To be gyaru today means navigating this paradox, to embody the aesthetic while also recognizing that it exists within a hyperreal framework.
Perhaps authenticity and performance are no longer opposites but interwoven realities, especially in an era where identity is curated, aestheticized, and mediated through screens. 
Maybe the question isn’t whether gyaru was real but whether, in a postmodern age of endless reinvention, realness matters much at all.
Cute Hello Kitty Kaoani